Political Atlas

How Power Is Arranged
Ideologies

Populism

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Populism is most often defined, following political scientist Cas Mudde's influential ideational approach, as a thin-centered ideology holding that society is ultimately separated into two homogeneous and antagonistic groups, the pure people and the corrupt elite, and that politics should above all express the general will of the people. Because it makes no independent claim about the proper scope of the state, the market or moral life, this thin ideology typically attaches itself to a fuller host ideology of the left or right, producing left-wing and right-wing populisms that otherwise share little beyond the people-versus-elite frame and an appeal to a single, unified popular will against pluralist and institutional constraints. Two rival scholarly traditions define the same word differently. A political-strategic approach, associated with Kurt Weyland, instead defines populism as a strategy through which a personalistic leader seeks or exercises government power based on direct, unmediated and de-institutionalized support from a large number of mostly unorganized followers, treating organizational form rather than professed ideas as the defining trait. A discursive approach, associated with Ernesto Laclau, treats populism not as a species of ideology or strategy at all but as a political logic that constructs the very category of the people by chaining together otherwise unrelated social demands against a common adversary, present in principle in movements across the ideological spectrum.

Populism is defined three incompatible ways in the scholarly literature, recorded here as a live dispute rather than folded into one account: the ideational approach (Cas Mudde), the political-strategic approach (Kurt Weyland), and the discursive approach (Ernesto Laclau). The working description below follows the ideational approach, the most widely used of the three in comparative politics; see the attached dissent for Laclau's own challenge to taking it as the default.
Facts
Founding Context
The word entered political usage independently in two nineteenth century contexts. The Russian Narodniki (populists) of the 1860s and 1870s were agrarian socialist intellectuals who idealized the peasant commune as a distinctly Russian road to socialism bypassing capitalism. The United States People's Party, an agrarian and labor coalition, adopted the populist label on its founding in Omaha in 1892 and ran James B. Weaver for president that year on a platform of free silver, a graduated income tax and public control of the railroads. Twentieth and twenty-first century usage generalized the word far beyond either origin, applying it to a recurring political style found across Latin America, Europe and elsewhere rather than to one movement or party family. 1
Disputed
Origin Year
1892 1
1892 marks the founding of the United States People's Party in Omaha, the movement usually credited with putting the word populism into English-language political use. The Russian Narodnik movement used the underlying concept from the 1860s onward, and which of the two, if either, should count as populism's true origin is not settled by the sources.
Cross-Tradition Connections

Associated With

Populism's appeal to a single, undivided will of the people bears directly on the older tension between majority rule and the institutional and constitutional constraints meant to protect minorities and dissent from it.

Nationalism, Ideologies

Populist movements frequently fuse with nationalist appeals to a bounded, culturally defined people, though the combination is common rather than definitional; populism has also taken cosmopolitan and left-internationalist forms.

Sources
Dissenting Readings (1 dissenting reading)
Description

Ernesto Laclau, in On Populist Reason (2005), rejected the ideational approach's treatment of populism as one ideology, however thin, among others, arguing instead that populism is a political logic: the process by which heterogeneous social demands left unmet by an existing order are chained together into a single chain of equivalence against a common adversary, condensed into the name of a unified people. On this reading populism is not a doctrine with fixed content a movement either holds or does not, but a way of constructing political identity available in principle to movements of any ideological coloring, so measuring how populist a party is by counting its stated beliefs, as the ideational approach does, mistakes the symptom for the mechanism.

A dissenting reading, from Ernesto LaclauErnesto Laclau, On Populist Reason (Verso, 2005), Verso
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